Ram Charan on China's quiet quest for world domination

Matthew Partridge: What prompted your book?

Ram Charan: I have been working in China for more than 20 years with American, European and Chinese companies; in some cases I was on boards as a director. The wake-up call was when I noticed that one US firm, which had a dominant position in the Chinese market, saw its market share begin to decline. Next, its unit costs went up and then the Chinese Communist Party basically forced them to sell their business to the Chinese.

This caused me to realise what China is trying to do – produce 90% of the global output in a sector, using a combination of subsidies, currency manipulation, and artificially cheap land and capital, and then using this to gain a cost advantage over the rest of the world. This strategy has already been applied to achieve a stranglehold over ten sectors in the past five years. This in turn creates a trade surplus, which is propelling China's military. It's a very sophisticated economic model, which essentially runs China as a conglomerate like General Electric.

Try 6 free issues of MoneyWeek today

Get unparalleled financial insight, analysis and expert opinion you can profit from.

Start your trial

Sign up for MoneyWeek’s free twice-daily newsletter.

Join more than 165,000 subscribers and keep yourself informed with latest financial news, insights and expert analysis to help you understand what really matters when it comes to your finances.

Join more than 165,000 subscribers and keep yourself informed with latest financial news, insights and expert analysis to help you understand what really matters when it comes to your finances.

Sign up

The public may love it because it produces an endless supply of cheap goods. But in the longer run it means that non-Chinese companies cannot compete with China. And if war breaks out, this could become an existential issue.

MP: How likely is war between China and the US?

Ram Charan: We are already at war. The US House of Representatives Select Committee on China said it explicitly in October 2025: this is a war of mutual destruction; economic, technological, existential. The trigger will not be a single event. Cumulative economic strangulation will reach a breaking point. Xi has built something more powerful than an invasion: asymmetric chokehold capability. China can now shut down whole industries in America and Europe at will by controlling rare earths, battery components, semiconductor materials and advanced chemicals.

When Beijing announced requirements for export licences in October 2025, Donald Trump responded with 100% tariffs. The countdown has started. The real trigger is industrial collapse. When CEOs in the US realise they can't build anything without Chinese inputs, including defence systems, the political pressure for confrontation becomes unstoppable. Taiwan is the flashpoint everyone watches. But the invisible trigger is America losing the capacity to respond militarily because China controls the supply chains for defence manufacturing itself. China is stockpiling wheat, oil, commodities, and building the world's largest navy – 370 ships versus America's 290. It is expanding its nuclear arsenal to 1,000 warheads by 2030, and aligning with Russia and North Korea in a trilateral axis that can strike the US mainland in 30 minutes.

Xi Jinping is lighting proxy fires in Ukraine and the Middle East through local actors to stretch US military resources. Xi would prefer America to concede without firing a shot, but he is prepared to fight if the US does not yield. Unless America rebuilds industrial capacity fast enough to break China's chokehold, conflict is certain within the decade.

Matthew Partridge: What should the US do to combat the threat?

Ram Charan: Both the US public and firms must understand they are not competing with individual Chinese companies, but with the nation. And they can't compete alone. There must be more collaboration among both countries and firms. I have suggested that Trump create a Department of Manufacturing and Technology, whose full-time job is to co-ordinate, integrate and plan in a similar way to how the Pentagon organises the defence sector to fend off an equally powerful opponent.

Matthew Partridge: Didn't industrial policy fail when the UK tried it in the 1960s and 1970s? Witness British Leyland.

Ram Charan: British Leyland failed because bureaucrats picked products and ran factories. What I am advocating is government staying strategic, not operational. The Chips Act is an example. Government subsidises semiconductor making. Intel, TSMC, Samsung decide what to build and how to run operations. Government creates conditions for private companies to compete against state-subsidised Chinese opponents.

However, in addition to subsidies and support you will need enforcement of basic trade rules. Stop the dumping. Counter the currency manipulation that gives China a 20%, unbeatable pricing advantage. You also need to change US CEOs' psychology. They still think “cheaper currency, cheaper labour” is how you win. Move up the value chain. Import technology and equipment, not consumption goods. Scale up medium-sized manufacturers with AI and automation.

This is about national security. China has destroyed key US industries, including furniture, apparel, solar, rare-earth metals and ship components. The next targets are AI, biopharma, aerospace, advanced semiconductors, and chemicals. If those fall, America cannot defend itself. This is not industrial policy as socialism. This is industrial policy as survival.

Matthew Partridge: How can you ask other developed countries to work together under US leadership given that Trump has imposed high tariffs on them? Isn't that going to make them less likely to cooperate?

Ram Charan: I think people misunderstand Trump's approach. While it's true he has imposed tariffs, and this has created a lot of confusion, he has done this to rebalance trade between the US and the rest of the world, eliminating the large US trade deficit with most countries. Once this is achieved, his aim is to reduce these tariffs by as much as possible. Already small countries like Oman face barriers of as little as 2%. The idea is to bring countries to the table to discuss the issue, not protectionism for protectionism's sake. US tariffs will decline as the other sides reduce their barriers to US goods.

Matthew Partridge: You say that you are confident about the US because of the openness of its system and because of its big research infrastructure. But Trump has undermined this advantage with immigration controls and cuts to research budgets. Many of Trump's policies seem counterproductive.

Ram Charan: I agree that they are counterproductive. And that's honestly something I don't understand. Maybe it's due to his own ideological belief, but attacking universities is not consistent with his aim to reindustrialise the US.

Matthew Partridge: Moving from countries to companies, is it fair to say that investment in China is a double-edged sword? Many firms are being forced to give up their intellectual property (IP) in exchange for cheap labour and access to Chinese consumers.

Ram Charan: Yes, it is a double-edged sword. Not only will they steal your IP, but once a Chinese company shows signs of winning significant market share, Beijing will back it to the hilt, and give it a huge amount of resources to expand further, so it starts to drive you out of the market. The next thing, you notice you are making losses and decide to leave, or you get a call “inviting” you to sell up – as Starbucks and many others have done. Beijing's attitude, particularly in industries it has explicitly targeted, is that “until we get our own capability, you are our guest”– but once China starts to build its own domestic capacity, the Westerners are either asked to leave or driven out.

Some of the smarter companies started to work this out about ten years ago, and reconsidered their global strategy, including discreetly building up their operations in other countries, such as India. As a result, they are now doing very well, with their Chinese rivals still lagging behind due to the fact that they have not accumulated the necessary expertise that they would have gained from having a Western firm in their midst.

Matthew Partridge: What does India needs to do to become an attractive alternative to China for Western companies?

Ram Charan: In order to attract Western firms fleeing China, India needs to put its house in order. This includes smashing bureaucracy to make it easier for them to operate. India also needs to have better training in manufacturing, because manufacturing requires quality and reliability, and Indian firms have to learn to match customer specifications.

That said, India has some companies that are number one in the world. This includes Bajaj and TVS, which have done a great job of producing quality scooters, as well as other two-wheelers. So India needs to build on this to climb the value chain into products like semiconductors.

Matthew Partridge: Are there any other companies that stand to benefit from Western companies relocating from China?

Ram Charan: Every developed country will benefit from re-shoring to reduce dependence on China. Among developing countries, the other big winners will be Vietnam, Mexico and Indonesia. However, for companies, the solution is not substitution but diversification to break coercive power.

After all, Mexico and Vietnam are also proxies for Chinese production – Mexico's trade with China exploded after Trump's tariffs as Chinese companies set up Mexican operations to bypass US trade barriers. You must audit the entire supply chain. Where do the components come from? Who owns the factory? Where does the capital flow? Companies waiting for a single “China alternative” will wait forever.

Ram Charan has spent 30 years advising Fortune 500 CEOs on China. His latest book, China's 90% Model: China Has America by the Throat – Here's How to Fight Back and Win, is published by IdeaPress Publishing.

This article was first published in MoneyWeek's magazine. Enjoy exclusive early access to news, opinion and analysis from our team of financial experts with a MoneyWeek subscription.