How did the protests in Iran start?
The latest protests in Iran started with the bazaaris – the normally conservative Tehran merchant class who, two generations ago, were the financial backbone of the 1979 Revolution. On 28 December, shopkeepers in the capital’s Grand Bazaar went on strike in protest at the government’s handling of the nation’s collapsing economy – and their own inability to trade due to the volatility of the currency and inflation. Other businesses swiftly followed, and protestors took to the streets in a wave of protest that rapidly spread to all parts of Iran. Thousands have since been killed in a brutal crackdown by the regime. After a year of economic crisis made worse by the wave of US and Israeli air strikes in the summer, president Masoud Pezeshkian had nothing to ease the sense of a failing government and state when he gave a candid speech in December admitting that he had no solutions and the country was “stuck”. “If someone can do something, by all means go for it,” he told students in a speech that went viral.
What’s happening in Iran's economy?
Last year, the rial lost 45% of its value (crashing to an all-time low against the US dollar), destroying the purchasing power of Iranians. The official inflation rate was 43% (higher than anywhere except Sudan and Venezuela) – taking the price of everyday staples such as bread beyond the reach of some, and hitting even relatively well-off Iranians hard. The economy shrank last year by 1.7%, battered by lower consumption and interrupted oil output from the 12-day war with Israel, with a sharp 2.8% drop expected this year (according to World Bank forecasts). Unemployment is very high in a country of 90 million people, with some estimates putting the employment rate at just 41%. Around a fifth of the population is living below the World Bank’s poverty threshold. Parts of society are experiencing food shortages, due to poverty, while chronic water shortages after five years of drought have added to the sense of desperation – as has the blow to national prestige from the fall of Shia allies and clients such as Assad in Syria and Hezbollah in Lebanon.
What does this mean for Iranians?
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All this created the conditions for urban youth and rural workers – frustrated by stagnant wages, lack of jobs and declining life prospects – to join the expanding protests. There is still notable support for the regime and a very divided opposition, which makes imminent state collapse or revolution unlikely, according to most analysts. However, the economic crisis is viewed by most Iranians as part of a wider systemic failure – combining mismanagement, entrenched corruption, a bloated public sector and lack of private investment, elite capture of key sectors (especially by state security actors), and the effects of long-running sanctions.
How have sanctions affected Iran?
The economy has been strangled by ever-tightening Western sanctions since 2012, when then-US president Barack Obama ramped up the pressure over Tehran’s nuclear programme and convinced the EU to follow suit. With Iran cut off from the Swift global payments system, the rial slumped, inflation soared, investment declined, and Iranians felt worse off. That year saw Iran’s first significant contraction since the early 1990s, and since then “growth has been essentially half the rate it was up until that point”, says Esfandyar Batmanghelidj of the Bourse & Bazaar Foundation think tank. Between 2000 and 2012, average annual growth remained steady at 4.4%. Since then, it’s been 1.9%.
What about Iran's oil?
Since the 1979 revolution, Iran has relied heavily on oil and gas exports. They have long funded the state, paid for imports and sustained social spending. In good years, when oil prices were high and exports flowed, growth followed. In bad years, the economy contracted sharply. This dependence leaves Iran unusually exposed to geopolitics. As such, Iran’s fortunes have tended to rise and fall with sanctions regimes and diplomatic turns rather than domestic productivity gains. Each major shift in foreign policy – whether a nuclear agreement or its collapse – ripples through household incomes.
How does foreign policy affect Iran's economy?
After Iran signed its nuclear deal with the US and other world powers in 2015 – sanctions relief in exchange for tight restrictions on nuclear activity – growth rebounded, inflation fell to single-digits, and oil exports rose to a peak of 2.8 million barrels a day (b/d) in 2018, for example. But when Donald Trump pulled the plug on the deal, Iran was once more cut off from Swift and oil exports fell to just 300,000 b/d in 2019. Moreover, sanctions did not simply shrink the economy; they distorted it, creating parallel markets favouring those with connections to the elite, and deepening inequality. More recently, Iran’s vulnerability to external events has also been clear. In the seven months since Israel launched its 12-day war against Iran in June, the rial lost 40% of its value. Annual inflation hit 43% in December, while food inflation soared to 72%, and the price of bread rose 113%. Corruption, on an epic and almost shameless scale, further distorts the economy. The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, the country’s security service loyal to the supreme leader Ayatollah Khamenei, for example, controls a vast commercial and financial sector that “benefits from measures that hammer the wider economy”, says The Economist.
Will Iran's regime survive?
As MoneyWeek went to press, it looked as though the protests were ebbing in the face of the exceptionally brutal and bloody state response. Donald Trump has warned repeatedly that the US would strike Iran again if the government kills peaceful protesters, but as yet, that killing has progressed and intensified with impunity. A crucial factor is the lack of a united opposition. This is certainly a desperate moment for Iran. But while anger and misery are abundant, the lack of coordination – and common ground on what the future should look like – means that it may not yet be a revolutionary one.
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