Is Russia the real winner of the Iran war?
Some have said that Russia is the real winner of the Iran war as oil prices boost its exports. But is that really true?
How is Russia's economy doing?
Before the Iran war oil shock – meaning a jump in oil prices and a jump in revenues for the Kremlin – things were looking as bad as they have done since Russia's invasion of Ukraine in February 2022.
At that time, many Western politicians and economists expected Russia's economy to collapse under the pressure of sanctions and fiscal implosion. “The Russian economy is on track to be cut in half,” said then US president Joe Biden a month into the war. “It was ranked the 11th biggest economy in the world before this invasion – and soon it will not even rank among the top 20.”
How wrong was Joe Biden about Russia?
Very wrong. By 2025, Russia had nudged up the table to become the ninth biggest economy globally, overtaking Canada and Brazil, and lying just behind the UK, France and Italy. In response to sanctions, Russia ramped up state spending on its war machine, driving an unlikely economic mini-boom, and predictions of collapse proved wide of the mark.
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A shallow recession of 1.4% in 2022 was followed by solid positive growth in 2023-2024, partly facilitated by high oil prices and partly fuelled by the rise in war-related spending and corporate credit growth. The fiscal position deteriorated, but remained in relatively safe territory, while a consistent current-account surplus “helped soften the impact of approximately half of Russia's international reserves being immobilised”, explains Marek Dabrowski of the Bruegel think tank. All told, the post-2022 Russian economy demonstrated striking resilience.
How is Russia's economy so resilient?
Essentially, Russia has resources and products that other countries want to buy. If the price is right that trade will happen, albeit with Russian oil and gas trading at a discount to pre-war prices. Western sanctions, which have in any event been supported by nations making up less than half the world's economy, were too telegraphed, slow, and easy to circumvent via third countries, given the weak enforcement of secondary sanctions. And China's role in ramping up Russian imports and exports was crucial: it has taken the place of Europe as Russia's biggest trading partner.
Second, the Russian regime was ready for war. It had planned for sanctions for years, stockpiling dollars, and when the crunch came it forced many foreign companies to sell their Russian entities at low prices. And third, the de facto creation of a war economy has not only fuelled growth, but also entrenched a network of supporters of the regime among the business class.
Is Russia's economy a war economy?
Over the past four years, Russia's economy has been growing, but only because civilian industry has been “progressively cannibalised” to feed dramatically ramped-up military production, say Emma Sage and Savannah Taylor on War on the Rocks. Germany's foreign intelligence believes that the war accounts for 10% of GDP and for more than 50% of government spending. Russia's Centre for Macroeconomic Analysis and Short-Term Forecasting attributes 60%-65% of Russia's increased industrial output from 2022-2024 to the sectors most implicated in the war on Ukraine, while showing that unrelated industries are declining. Meanwhile, domestic consumption is underpinned by Smertonomika, or “Deathonomics”, whereby wages for soldiers willing to brave the war – and compensation payouts to their families when they are killed – have soared. Pay for soldiers is six times what it was in 2022, while death payouts have risen to the equivalent of $130,000-$180,000 – more than the expected life earnings of many of the young men who die. In short, Russia has mortgaged its future to pay for the war. Eventually, that will have to be repaid.
What is the current situation in Russia?
Stagnation has set in and the government is $320 billion in debt. Growth fell sharply last year from 4% in 2024 to less than 1% in the fourth quarter of 2025. This week Russia's president, Vladimir Putin, announced that GDP declined 2.1% in the year to January, with industrial production also falling by 0.8%, even as unemployment remained low at 2.2%, while inflation stood at below 6%. Many Western analysts suspect the reality is worse. The economy will not collapse, says Alexandra Prokopenko in The Economist. “But nor will it recover. It has entered what mountaineers call the death zone: the altitude above 8,000 metres at which the human body consumes itself faster than it can be repaired.” Russia is sustaining a “negative equilibrium”: it has the ability to hold itself together at the cost of steadily destroying its own future capacity. Export revenues are falling and economic weakness means budget gaps cannot be filled with additional tax revenues.
Will the Iran war rescue Russia's economy?
Obviously no one knows how long the oil price will remain elevated from its pre-war levels. But Putin himself – sometimes touted in recent weeks as the “real winner” of the conflict – isn't exactly celebrating the dawn of a free-spending new paradigm. This week, he called on oil and gas companies to use additional revenues from the current rise in global hydrocarbon prices to reduce their debt burden and repay obligations to domestic banks. Clearly, Russia is a beneficiary of the conflict in the Persian Gulf and Middle East, with higher prices and (perhaps) higher export volumes to Asia able to narrow its budget deficit. “But unless disruption to global energy supplies is prolonged, this is unlikely to materially alter Russia's macroeconomic outlook,” says Liam Peach of Capital Economics. The country will remain a war-driven, low-growth, low-productivity economy that's dependent on hydrocarbons – a waning resource in the long run – and under chronic fiscal pressure. “Russia can probably continue waging war for the foreseeable future,” says Prokopenko. “But no climber can survive the death zone indefinitely – and not all climbers who attempt the descent survive it.”
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